小林 和美

本稿では,早期留学が激増しピークに達した廬武鉉政権期から世界的金融危機を経て李明博政権期に至る時期を対象に,「早期留学」が韓国社会においてどのようにとらえられてきたのかを,新聞報道を手掛かりに明らかにしようとした。その結果,早期留学ブームが過熱し,年月が経過するなかで,「キロギ・アッパ」が大きな社会問題となったことをはじめ,留学後の韓国の学校への適応困難,就職における優位性の低下など,早期留学の問題点やその効果に対する否定的認識が広がり,母親が同行しない「管理型留学」や韓国内で早期留学に代わる効果を得られる国際学校や外国人学校などが注目されるようになったことが明らかになった。In South Korea, a phenomenon called "Jogi-yuhak(pre-college study abroad, hereafter PSA)", i.e. elementary school children, and junior/senior high school students studying abroad, has spread and become a social problem. The aim of this paper is to illustrate how PSA has been perceived in the South Korean society from the Roh Moo-hyun administration period when PSA remarkably increased to the Lee Myung-bak administration period through a global financial crisis. For this purpose, I examined the major topics and issues about PSA in 12 Korean comprehensive daily newspapers of this decade. The results are as follows: PSA had already spread to the middle class parents as one of the possible options for their children. For the first few years, with remarkable increase of PSA, a great deal of know-how, success/failure stories and other useful information appeared. Then came the reflux of returning PSA students to Korea for university entrance (after secondary education abroad), and increase of elementary school children, studying in China and Southeast Asia. In this trend, parents' ambivalent feelings toward PSA were reported. Negative views and dissenting opinions on PSA, pointing out the problems continuously appeared in media. With the increase of PSA students, especially among elementary school children, "Gireogi appa(goose dad)", i.e. the fathers who worked in South Korea to support their wives' and childrens' study abroad also increased. The news of their lonely death and suicide severely worried people in general. In 2006 PSA reached its peak with nearly 30,000 students involved. Tendencies to utilize PSA as an entrance examination strategy and spread of target countries (to China and Southeast Asia) were reported. These PSA's negative sides increasingly recognized, "managed type PSA" not requiring mothers' accompany became popular, together with attention to Songdo International School and other similar schools, as an alternative to PSA. The Lee Myung-bak administration, with English education in public schools reinforcement policy, fueled English fever. The global financial crisis and the increasing costs of study abroad with the weak won, however, made the PSA boom stagnate. The news of decrease of the PSA students continued from around 2010, and causing factors were shown as: difficulty in readaptation to Korean schools after studying abroad, the decline of the effectiveness in entrance examination and finding employment. Thus the PSA is still regarded negatively while international schools or foreign schools attract attention as an alternative to PSA.

本稿の目的は,早期留学ブームの初期からアジア経済危機を挟んで金大中政権期に至る時期を対象に,「早期留学」が韓国社会においてどのようにとらえられてきたのかを,新聞報道を手掛かりにして明らかにすることである。1990年から2003年2月までの早期留学関連記事について検討した結果,経済危機以前には一部の富裕層の「逃避性留学」として否定的にとらえられていた早期留学が,1999年秋に早期留学全面自由化が話題となって以降は中間層へと広がり,韓国内の教育環境に起因する問題として論じられるようになったことが明らかになった。In South Korea, a phenomenon called `Jogi-yuhak (pre-college study abroad, hereafter PSA)', i.e. elementary school children and junior/ senior high school students studying abroad, has spread and become a social problem. The aim of this paper is to illustrate how PSA has been perceived in the South Korean society from the early phase of the PSA boom to the Kim Dae-Jung administration period through an Asian economic crisis. For this purpose, I examined the newspaper articles of 12 Korean comprehensive daily newspapers from 1990 to February, 2003 for the major topics and issues about the PSA. The results are as follows: The PSA boom in South Korea, beginning from late 1980s, was reported negatively as the PSA "Escape" done by the children of the wealthy families around Gangnam area in Seoul and its problems were pointed out severely until around 1996 before an economic crisis. In 1997, because of the government's sudden regulation of PSA under increasing external payments deficit, the articles reporting the regulations of PSA and criticizing them increased. When the economic crisis struck at the end of 1997, many PSA student's return and the problems caused by that were reported. After the autumn of 1999, the government's complete liberalization of PSA became the major topic, increasing the people's concern about PSA. PSA spread from some wealthy to middle class people. The papers argued that distrust of Korean public education made middle class people choose PSA as an alternative. PSA was now seen as an option for many middle class families. In 2001, the fathers who worked in South Korea to support the family while their wives and children stayed abroad for the children's PSA came to be called "Gireogi appa(goose dad)", and their feeling of economic pressure and loneliness was now a new social problem entailed by PSA. With the expansion to the middle class people of PSA, high tuition and U.S. visa problems turned to PSA students Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, and later on to China.

教育熱の高さで知られる韓国では,中・高校生のみならず,初等学生(小学生)までもが外国に留学する「早期留学」と呼ばれる現象が拡大し,社会問題となっている。本稿の目的は,韓国教育開発院による統計資料の分析を通して,韓国における早期留学現象が1990年代半ばから今日までどのように推移してきたのかを概況的に把握することである。大統領の政権期(5年)ごとに4つの時期に分けて考察した結果,早期留学現象は,経済のグローバル化が進むなかで,国内の教育システムの問題だけでなく,世界的な経済状況,各政権の政策,労働市場の動向,マスコミ・世論の動向などの影響を受けつつ推移してきたことが明らかになった。In South Korea, a phenomenon called `Jogi-yuhak (pre-college study abroad, hereafter PSA)', junior/ senior high school students studying abroad, has spread even to elementary school children, and become a social problem. The aim of this paper is to grasp generally how the pre-college study abroad phenomenon in South Korea changed from the mid-1990s to today through the analysis of the statistical data surveyed by Korean Educational Development Institute. I examined the characteristics of the PSA phenomenon in each government period. The results are as follows. In the first period (the Kim Young-sam administration period) when the `Segyehwa (Total Globalization Policy)' became a state policy and PSA boom began, PSA phenomenon expanded from the limited wealth to the middle class. The number of PSA students, however, was still around 3,600 at most a year and most of the PSA students were junior or senior high school students. At the beginning of the second period (the Kim Dae-jung administration period), the number of PSA students greatly decreased under the influence of the currency crisis. But it rapidly increased after 2000, when economic conditions recovered and a full liberalization policy of PSA was shown by the government. Finally in 2002 the number exceeded 10,000. During this period the following were noted: the increase of elementary school children the metropolitan area (around Seoul City) sending out majority of PSA students the target countries focusing on English speaking countries (U.S.A., Canada, New Zealand) the increase of returning students including PSA students (over 8,000 in 2002) and yet about 20,000 departure surplus about 65% of the returnee students coming back to South Korea within two years In the third period (the Roh Moo-hyun administration period) when the economy was prosperous, the number of PSA students increased remarkably and reached about 30,000 in 2006. The PSA was now a choice in the life design for more children. The PSA phenomenon spread to Gyeonggi-do in the suburbs of Seoul and other cities, and the lower age PSA children were still on the increase. China and Southeast Asian countries rose to the second destination countries next to U.S.A. The large departure surplus continued, although the number of returnee students greatly increased, exceeding 20,000 in 2007, their stay abroad getting even shorter. In the fourth period (the Lee Myung-bak current administration period), the number of PSA students largely decreased under the global economic slump in spite of a further surge of the English fever in South Korea. The view that the PSA boom was now over was also shown because of the criticism and the doubt for the effect of the PSA. Tendencies of the lower aging of PSA students and the concentration to the metropolitan area are still seen. Southeast Asian countries are now the second popular destination countries after U.S.A. because one can learn English at relatively small expense. The number of the returnee students reached a highest record with about 24,000 in 2009, three years after the peak of the PSA students, reducing the departure excess to about 6,000. After 2009, the proportion of the returnee students who stayed longer in foreign countries is increasing.

本稿は,韓国と日本の生活時間調査データの比較を通して,韓国の高齢者の生活時間配分にみられる特徴を明らかにしたものである。韓国の統計庁による生活時間調査(2004年実施)と日本の総務省統計局による社会生活基本調査(2006年実施)のデータを用いて,10歳以上(調査対象者全体)および65歳以上(高齢者)の人々の行動の種類別総平均時間について日韓比較をおこなった。その結果,韓国の高齢者は日本の高齢者に比べ,個人的ケアと家事と家族のケアに配分する時間が短く,自由時間と移動の時間が長いこと,自由時間では交際の時間が大幅に長いことなどがあきらかになった。The purpose of this study is to illustrate the feature of the time use of Korean elderly. For this purpose, I analyzed the data of average time spent on activities of all Koreans and Japanese (10 years old and above) and the elderly (65 years old and above) from the Time Use Survey executed in 2004 by National Statistical Office in South Korea and Survey on Time Use and Leisure Activities executed in 2006 by Statistics Bureau of Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications in Japan. Major findings are as follows; Korean elderly people spend almost as much time for their work and study as Japanese elderly people. While the time for personal care and household / family care is shorter, the time for free time and travel is longer. The difference of free time by sex is smaller than Japanese. Korean elderly women have longer free time than Japanese elderly women. As for personal care, the meal time of Korean elderly people is much shorter than that of Japanese, and sleeping time is shorter with men. As for household / family care, time for household care is much shorter, but time for family care is a little longer than Japanese. Among free time, time for social life is much longer than Japanese, most of it spent for socializing with people other than family and relatives. The time by telephone calls for socializing is longer, too. The time for rest and relaxation is longer with the men and women, and the religious activity time is longer with women. The time for newspapers and magazines is shorter while watching television, occupying almost half of the free time, is quite the same as Japanese elderly. The time for sports and outdoor leisure activity is almost the same, and walking and strolling occupies much time. The time for hobby and leisure activity is almost the same, but playing / gambling occupy much more in Korea. Neither Koreans nor Japanese spend very little time for social participation, volunteer work, study, and entertainment / amusement. Koreans spend less time than Japanese, though the difference is small. As for travel, traveling time related to socializing and other leisure activities occupies much in Korea. The longer traveling time in Korea is explained by the longer free time, especially longer socializing time with people other than family and relatives. I believe I have been able to point out a few new aspects about the feature of daily life of elderly people in Korea and Japan by comparative analysis of the time use data.

韓国では,中・高校生のみならず,初等学生までもが外国に留学する「早期留学」と呼ばれる現象が拡大し,社会問題にもなっている。子どもの留学にともなう家族別居問題の象徴的存在として注目を集めたのが,「キロギ・アッパ(雁のお父さん)」と呼ばれる,子どもを外国で学ばせるため,妻子を外国に住まわせ,自らは韓国に残って生計を支える早期留学生の父親たちである。本稿では,「キロギ・アッパ」の実態について,現地でのインタビュー調査にもとづいて紹介する。「キロギ・アッパ」になり,「キロギ・アッパ」として生活し,「キロギ・アッパ」でなくなるまでの過程を当事者の立場から記述し,子どもの早期留学への関わり方について検討する。In South Korea, a phenomenon called `Jogi-yuhak (studying abroad at an early stage)', even elementary school children, as well as junior/ senior high school students studying abroad, has spread and become a social problem. Symbolic and most focused of this problem is `Gireogi appa (goose dad)'. They work in Korea to support the family while their wives and children stay abroad for the sake of the children's education. This paper reports the lives of `Gireogi appa', based on interviews in Korea. This paper states how they have become `Gireogi appa', how they have lived, and how their lives as `Gireogi appa' will finish (or have finished). Finally, the auther tries to illustrate how these fathers have related themselves to the problems of `Jogi-yuhak'.

グローバル化が進むなか,韓国では,中・高校生のみならず,初等学生までもが外国に留学する「早期留学」と呼ばれる現象が拡大している。本稿の目的は,ケーススタディを通して,早期留学の開始から大学進学にいたるまでを一連の過程として動態的に把握することにある。早期留学の一連の過程は,個々の家族がその時々に置かれた事情や子どもの中長期的な進路設計との関連から,その時々におこなった選択の積み重ねとして現れたものである。早期留学はどのようにして始まるのか,留学中の生活はどのように営まれるのか,そして,留学の先にはどのような展望が開けているのかを,早期留学を経て,現地で20歳前後にまで成長した2組の姉妹の事例を通してみていく。While globalization is developing,`Jogi-yuhak (studying abroad at an early stage)'is getting popular in South Korea. Not only junior and senior high school students but also elementary school children go abroad to study. The purpose of this paper is to grasp from the start of studying abroad to entering university as a series of processes by case study. A series of processes of studying abroad appears as a pile of choices made each time depending on the situation of each family and a mid/long-term future course design for the children. How did they start studying abroad? How did they live abroad? What future prospects do they have after studying abroad? In this paper, I illustrate the life course of 2 pairs of Korean sisters who went abroad to study at early stages and grew up to be around 20 years old with view to examining above questions.

本稿は、2002年度から2005年度にかけて執筆者らが担当した、「総合演習」の授業実践についての報告である。この授業では「大阪アジアンツアーをつくる」という講義題目のもと、受講生を数班に分け、大阪にあるアジアを訪ね歩くツアーを企画・実施するという形態の授業を行ってきた。この授業のねらいは、1.受講生がツアーの企画・実施を通して、地域調査・校外学習の企画立案・プレゼンテーションなどの手法について学ぶ。2.大阪・アジア諸地域・在日外国人に対する理解を深める、という二点である。これらのねらいがどの程度達成できたかについて、今後の課題とともに考察を加えた。The purpose of this report is to examine the results of "General Seminar" that writers were in charge of from 2002 to 2005. The title of this course is "Let's find out the Asians in Osaka" tour. In this class, the students are divided into several groups and plan and practice the tours to find out something Asian in Osaka area. There are two aims in this course. First, the students learn the way of the area research, the planning the course of study out of the classroom, and the presentation after their experiences. secondly, the students deepen their understanding of Osaka, the Asia area, and the foreigners living in Japan. We examined to what extent these aims were archieved, and pointed out some problems.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the actual condition of outflow of youth by an educational problem in a village on the outskirts of Taegu Metropolitan City in Korea, and clarify the factors.<br> In Korea, a large population has flowed out from the rural area due to the economic growth since the 1960's. Even on the outskirts of Metropolitan City, we can often observe a large outflow of youth and the increasing proportion of the aged.<br> In this case, there can also be found a large outflow of youth and the increasing proportion of the aged. The direct reason of the outflow of youth is, in most cases, an educational problem. They make their children transfer to the elementary school in the city. This can be regarded as a family strategy for social upward mobility to get out from painful agriculture. The location of the outskirts of the city is expanding a possibility of realizing the family strategy for social upward mobility. Moreover, among the factors of these backgrounds, there are some basic factors that are caused by the characteristics of social structure of Korea, as well as economic factors.

韓国の場合,農村若年層の流出を引き起こす直接的要因として,都市農村間の経済的格差だけでなく,「教育的要因」が存在していることは広く認められている。本稿では,大邱広域市近郊農村の事例について,「教育的要因」による人口移動はどのようにして引き起こされるのか,また,その背景をなす農村の教育問題はどのような内容をもつものとして認識されているのかを,当該農村の教育関係者や父母にたいするききとり調査をとおしてあきらかにした。その結果,経済力のある層が都市へ流出し,ない層が取り残されるという構図が成立していること,流出のタイミングは,1初等学校高学年時(世帯流出または世帯の一部流出),2中学校卒業時(単身流出),3高校卒業時(単身流出)の3回あり,なかでも世帯流出をともなう1初等学校高学年時の流出が大量に起こっていることがわかった。そして,農村の「教育問題」とは,たんに農村では高い教育機会が得られないということだけでなく,農村では「文化生活」ができないといった,子どもの成長におよぼす社会的文化的影響が強く意識されたものであることがわかった。In case of Korea, it is widely admitted that "the educational factor" causes the migration of rural youths in addition to the economic factor. In this paper, I analyzed the following topics, based on the case studies in a village in the suburbs of Taegu Metropolitan City : How does the rural-urban migration by "the educational factor" cause? What are recognized as educational problems in the rural areas? In this case, there can be found a tendency that rich people move to the city, while poor people are left in the village. They have the opportunities for the migration three times : 1in the fifth or sixth grade of elementary school (family migration or a part of family migration), 2at the time of graduation from junior high school (single migration), 3at the time of graduation from senior high school (single migration). Especially, in the fifth or sixth grade of elementary school, a great deal of migration is found to be done. As one of the educational problems in the rural areas, they are strongly conscious of the social cultural influence on the growth of their children. Educational problems means the fact that not only they have much difficulty having opportunities for higher education, but they could not have "cultural life" for their children in the rural areas.

日本の村落社会研究においては、世帯調査票をもちいた村落悉皆調査がもっとも基本的な調査法のひとつとして広くもちいられてきたが、韓国においては、本格的な社会学的世帯調査票をもちいた村落悉皆調査の実施例は、まだきわめて少ない。本稿は、韓国村落における社会学的世帯調査票調査の手法を練り上げるため、1998年夏期に韓国大邱広域市近郊農村において実施した村落悉皆調査の手法と経緯についてあきらかにし、検討を加えようとするものである。To study the Japanese villages, we have used a comprehensive village survey of all the households with the detailed questionnaires as a basic method in the rural sociology. In South Korea, however, there have been few cases using such long and detailed questionnaires for a comprehensive village survey of all the households, yet. Therefore, I described the method and details of a comprehensive village survey of all the households made in the summer of 1998 in Bongchon-li, Habin-myon, Talsong County, Taegu Metropolitan City, located in South Korea. Through the re-examination of the process of this survey, I hope to contribute to the progress of the method of sociological survey using questionnaires of the household in Korean villages.

本稿は,地方河川の治水問題をとおして,地域社会の問題と行政の問題との連関を論じようとするものである。兵庫県の加古川下流域において,明治後期から大正前期にかけて展開された加古川改修運動の事例を,地元町村,兵庫県,中央政府の3つのレベルにおける合意形成過程とその相互関連に注目しながらあとづけることにより,地方河川において国家による改修工事が実現されるためには,県レベルにおける財政負担能力と合意形成がとくに重要であったことをあきらかにした。The aim of this paper is to explore the relation between community problems and administrative ones through the examination of the problems in the improvement works of a local river. In this paper, I selected the Kakogawa, a river of Hyogo Prefecture as a case of my study, and analyzed the developing process of the movement for the improvement of the Kakogawa in the early 20th century. Indoing this, I took notice of the consent making processes at three levels, the community, Hyogo Prefecture as a local government, the central government, and the interrelation of these processes. Through this analysis, I made it clear that the financial capacity of the prefecture and the consent making at the prefectural level are especially important for the realization of the improvement of the local river.